John Pocock, a professor emeritus of the history of political thought at Johns Hopkins University, disagreed vehemently with Professor Saxonhouse's conclusions.
"Machiavelli wasn't even a philosopher," Professor Pocock said with disdain. "Hobbes had a different set of concerns than Machiavelli. Hobbes wrote at a time of religious wars and was trying to bring religion under civil authority. Machiavelli lived earlier and had no encounter with the problem of civil authority in a time of religious war."
What difference does it make who was the first modern political philosopher?
"To understand today's society, you have to go back to its beginnings," Professor Saxonhouse said. "And what you learn from Machiavelli is that social order is not something natural, not handed down. It's something we have to create."
Professor Harvey Mansfield, a political scientist at Harvard, said: "If Machiavelli came first, then it suggests that an occasional act of tyranny might be necessary to save freedom."
But Professor Pocock said simply that the issue of who was first was "meaningless." He explained, "The word 'modern' can, and does, have too many meanings to make a single question like that worth asking."
The debate over the birth of modern political thought -- one of the classics in scholarly feuding -- dates to 1952. In that year, Leo Strauss, the legendary professor of political science at the University of Chicago revered by a whole generation of today's conservatives, startled his colleagues by declaring in the introduction to a revised edition of his study of Hobbes, "The Political Philosophy of Hobbes: Its Basis and Its Genesis" (University of Chicago Press, 1952): "Hobbes appeared to me as the originator of modern political philosophy. This was an error: not Hobbes, but Machiavelli, deserves this honor."
Strauss, an unabashed elitist who was suspicious of all-inclusive democracy, had come to see Machiavelli as toweringly important because he was the first philosopher to conceive of politics as an amoral art.
Many liberals came to regard Strauss as anathema, while some conservatives found his rediscovery of "the diabolical Florentine" intriguing, yet too dangerous to be embraced without reservation because of Machiavelli's acceptance of tyranny as sometimes expedient.
Soon, rival scholars began to challenge Strauss -- whether because they considered Machiavelli unfit for polite discussion, or because they regarded his work as a sideshow.
In one of the most bruising clashes to appear in an academic journal (in this case, Political Theory, in the early 1970's) Professor Mansfield, a Straussian political scientist, said that traditionalists who could not accept Strauss's notion that Machiavelli was the "harbinger of modernity" were unfairly giving Strauss "the silent treatment."
Professor Pocock, a leading specialists in Hobbes, responded by asserting that the Straussians were becoming paranoid, stooping to such tactics as filling departmental vacancies only with true believers and refusing to attend classes taught by non-Straussians.
Amid some less-than-lighthearted talk of "plunging bayonets" into each other, Professor Mansfield counterattacked by denouncing Professor Pocock for "misrepresentations, insults and name calling."
In 1972, Professor Saxonhouse, a Straussian, was an untenured assistant professor at the University of Michigan when she wandered into the crossfire. Her dissertation on the anonymously published 17th-century essays argued that Hobbes was the author and the influence of Machiavelli was evident.
Strauss died the next year, and no university press that Professor Saxonhouse contacted would touch her thesis. One returned the manuscript saying it was too controversial to be published by someone not "a scholar of overriding distinction."
Resigned, Professor Saxonhouse shelved it until 1988, when she met Noel B. Reynolds, a professor of political science at Brigham Young University who specializes in a computer technique for determining authorship based on identification of idiosyncratic patterns of word usage.
Professor Reynolds ran the three essays through a computer and found them to be "statistically indistinguishable from uncontested Hobbes texts."
As a result, the University of Chicago Press jumped at the opportunity to publish "Three Discourses: A Critical Modern Edition of Newly Identified Work of the Young Hobbes," edited by Professors Reynolds and Saxonhouse.Continue reading the main story
Thomas Hobbes 1588–1679
English philosopher, political theorist, essayist, critic, scientist, and autobiographer.
Considered one of England's most important philosophers, Hobbes was the author of Leviathan, Or The Matter, Forme, & Power of a Common-Wealth Ecclesiasticall and Civill (1651), a work Michael Oakeshott calls "the greatest, perhaps the sole, masterpiece of political philosophy written in the English languange." Although Hobbes wrote many of his works in Latin, the language of choice for such intellectual matters in his time, it was his decision to write Leviathan in English that deemed the language suitable for any area of inquiry. It was in Leviathan that Hobbes wrote the famous description of man's life in nature as "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short." To free themselves from this natural state of warfare, men join in a compact with one another, make a social contract, and set up a sovereign. The sovereign, called the Leviathan by Hobbes, exercises absolute power over his subjects and maintains the peace. Succinct and contentious, Hobbes enraged many readers with such statements as "The universe is corporeal; all that is real is material, and what is not material is not real." Hobbes also asserted that the Church must be subject to the State. Such ideas, expressed so confidently and in an uncommonly accessible style, created an instant uproar, especially in ecclesiastical circles. Contemptuously dismissing Aristotle and his followers, Hobbes declared himself the creator of civil philosophy, what would today be called political science. Heavily influenced by his friend Galileo Galilei, Hobbes was a mechanist who viewed the world as matter in motion and man as movement of limbs. His Machiavellian insistence on looking at things as they are, not as they should be, his contention that expediency rather than morality motivated political obedience, and his unshakable secularism fueled countless attacks by his critics. As contradictory as they were original, Hobbes's ideas are debated to this day.
Hobbes was born April 5, 1588, in Malmesbury, England. He claimed that his mother gave birth to him upon hearing the rumor that the Spanish Armada was set to destroy the nation. She gave birth to twins, Hobbes wrote,—himself and fear. His father, also named Thomas, was an uneducated clergyman prone
to quarrel. Biographers have posited that both timidity and argumentativeness were notable traits of Hobbes throughout his lifetime. After Hobbes's father abandoned his parish and family, young Thomas and his brother and sister were raised by their uncle Francis Hobbes, who was successful enough to see that Thomas received a fine education. At the age of six, Hobbes was learning Greek and Latin. At fourteen he translated Euripides's Medea and was sent to Oxford. Although an adequate student, Hobbes disliked the university, rejected much of what he read there, and went on to criticize universities in much of his later writing. According to his first biographer, John Aubrey, Hobbes took delight in saying that if he had read as much as other men, he would know as little as other men. Upon receiving a degree in 1608, Hobbes became tutor to William Cavendish, the son of the first Earl of Devonshire. Through this association Hobbes made his first trip to the continent and became inspired to study the classics. He was employed as Roger Bacon's secretary in 1623-24. In 1628 Hobbes published his translation of Thucydides's history of the Peloponnesian War, an important improvement to what had previously circulated, and intended by Hobbes to serve as a warning to the English of the dangers inherent in Democracy. Hobbes worked for and tutored many men, including three Cavendishes, until 1640. During his teaching career he enjoyed much leisure time and three three-year stays on the continent. It was there that he met and became friends with Galileo. He met other great minds as well, including Ben Jonson, Abbe Mersenne, and Pierre Gassendi, and became fascinated with the study of motion. Profoundly stirred by his chance discovery of Euclid, Hobbes considered applying the science of geometry to politics. He wrote a treatise in 1640 on citizenship and absolutism, The Elements of Law Natural and Politique, which circulated widely in manuscript form. Fearing for his safety at the hands of Parliament, Hobbes fled to Paris, where he promptly composed numerous objections to René Descartes's Meditations, which he saw before publication. He began work on a proposed trilogy on the body, the man, and the citizen. After the publication of Leviathan in 1651, Hobbes returned to England, notorious but respected at the same time, and carried on years of controversies, notably with Bishop John Bramhall on free will and on mathematics with John Wallis, the inventor of algebra. Hobbes, considered an atheist by many in Parliament, was saved from a charge of Christian heresy by the intercession of the King, who ordered Hobbes to refrain from further publishing any inflammatory works. In 1672 Hobbes wrote a brief, compelling autobiography and in 1675, at age 86, translated the Iliad and the Odyssey. Hobbes died December 4, 1679.
Critics have always characterized Hobbes as a mature writer, with his first original book, Elementorum Philosophiae Sectio Tertia De Cive (1642), being published when he was fifty-four. The case has recently been made that three of the Discourses are the product of a young Hobbes, the work originally having been included in an anonymous volume of 1620, Horae Subsecivae. These discourses demonstrate the strong influence of Bacon and Nicollò Machiavelli. The execution of the King in 1649 spurred Hobbes's desire to provide guidance for his country, and he published Human Nature and De Corpore Politico (1650), which included much of The Elements of Law, a work that would not be published in its entirety until 1889. England, Hobbes felt, had gone wrong, and war had been the result. Leviathan, the strongest and boldest statement of his political thought, was offered to show that there was an alternative. According to Hobbes, people are more or less equals in strength and intelligence. Mankind are driven by the desire to fulfill their wants and needs. In satisfying themselves, however, they will inevitably encroach on others attempting to fulfill their own wants and needs. Therefore, people will constantly be at odds, and the essentially matched strengths of the opponents will ensure a constant state of warfare, which to Hobbes included the tendency to war and the lack of assurance to the contrary. Hobbes proposed that there is an even more powerful drive, the fear of death, and that to assuage this fear, people join in a compact with one another, make a social contract, and set up a sovereign. The sovereign will have absolute power; virtually all say is surrendered by the citizens. This sovereign, called the Leviathan by Hobbes, will keep his subjects in check and protect them from their enemies. Where once good and bad were relative values decided by individuals, there would now be a common rule since all were under the sovereign and his total control, which would allow no review. In De Corpore (1655, The Body) Hobbes turned to the philosophy of motion and to the idea that life as well as thought were merely motion. His utterly mechanistic view of life in these works was the source of great contention. In 1668 Hobbes finished a history of the Long Parliament and submitted it to the King, who denied it publication because of Hobbes's dangerous political suggestions; Behemoth, the History of the Causes of the Civil Wars of England, from 1640. to 1660. did not reach the public until 1682, buried in a composite edition of his treatises.
Hobbes's influence on Western political thought was profound. His successors could and did disagree with him, but they could not escape being compared to and measured against him. In his writing, Hobbes was not timid: many readers were provoked to opposition upon first exposure. Hobbes met the criticism either directly, responding vigorously, as he did to John Bramhall's Catching of Leviathan, or indirectly, with disdainful, silent superiority. Hobbes's emphasis on the secular over the theological was particularly infuriating to his detractors. Any relation to God, even if by way of an intermediary, as in the Catholic Church, was denied. He wrote, "If a man consider the original of the great ecclesiastical dominion, he will easily perceive that the Papacy is no other than the ghost of the deceased Roman Empire sitting crowned upon the grave thereof." The title of one response exemplifies some of the reaction to Hobbes: "The Brief View of the Dangerous and Pernicious Errors to Church and State in Mr. Hobbes's book." Hobbes was called an atheist, and for years "Hobbism" was the term applied when attempting to denigrate any example of scepticism or free thought. In 1683 De Cive and Leviathan were condemned as heretical books and burned at Oxford; Hobbes's enemies also prevented him from becoming a fellow of the Royal Society. Despite his tempestuous life, Hobbes's works were respected and admired by many of his contemporaries. However, his ideas were still considered radical for half a century after his death, and it was not until the mid-eighteenth century that Hobbes's works could be written about dispassionately. Since then, he has held his place among the most important political philosophers of the western tradition, and his works continue to spark interest and debate.